Having been intensively involved with liberty activism for the past few years, I believe that the emergence of the #OccupyWallStreet movement is a source of enormous promise. The political clout of well connected financial institutions was the reason the bailouts got muscled through Congress, and, in the years since, virtually no one has been held accountable for what amounts to one of the largest heists in human history. As such, the presence of thousands of protesters camping out a stone’s throw from the epicenter of our financial system serves to spark a much needed national conversation about true accountability for the criminality of the last decade.
Unfortunately, I’ve also noticed that, in the last 24 hours, a lot of disinformation has been spreading around the liberty-oriented blogosphere about #OccupyWallStreet. As such, I felt it would be useful to lay out and dissect some of these criticisms, which I believe are being disseminated in an attempt to prevent an anti-corporatist coalition from forming that might actually have the power to challenge the immensely corrupt status quo.
(1) The #OccupyWallStreet movement wants to re-elect Obama/enact socialism/[insert feared outcome here]
The fundamental flaw with this point is that no one individual or group is, or can be, empowered to speak for the occupation as a whole. Rather, anyone involved in the protest can make demands or claims, but to believe that they represent the movement is to profoundly miss the point of what’s going on (for more on this, see this interview with David Graeber). The fact is that the protest is made up of people with a wide diversity of ideologies and opinions on what reforms are needed, but who are bound together by a shared outrage at the corruption of the Wall Street-Washington nexus. Indeed, the way the public perceives the message is heavily influenced by who shows up, so more liberty folks attending = a more libertarian narrative.
(2) They’re a bunch of lazy, dirty hippies who should get a job!
I’ve noticed that there is a population of people for whom this is a knee-jerk reaction whenever there is a protest, period. In fact, I had a powerful face-palm moment recently when I saw such a comment posted about a rally in my town that happened on a SUNDAY. Even leaving aside the aforementioned diversity of the group, this criticism is pretty ignorant considering the current, and rising, unemployment rate in this country. It was one thing to yell this at hippies in the mid-sixties when there was full employment, but I met plenty of smart, hardworking people there who’ve been laid off and were desperately struggling to find work. The “lazy hippies” narrative is simply a false meme that echoing around the Internet because it allows people to put the protesters in a cognitive box that deems them to be ignored.
(3) I saw one of them interviewed, and he was a total idiot calling for authoritarian solutions. Thus all of #OWS reflects his views.
In addition to the points made above, I’d like to ask the liberty community to remember the ways in which the early TEA Party was delegitimized by the MSM. By picking out and focusing on the sign that said “keep the government out of my Medicare” or a racist attendee, they attempted to tar the whole movement with the brush of its lowest common denominator. Similarly things are afoot with the #OWS movement – there are plenty of people at the rally talking about the FED, complementary currencies, etc., but the folks who don’t want it to succeed are desperately trying to draw attention to the less thoughtful occupiers in order to forward their divide and conquer agenda.
(4) This is a “Tea Party of the Far Left” that is being astroturfed by MoveOn, Soros, SEIU, etc.
As much as the institutional left would like to co-opt #OWS in the same way that the institutional right bought out the TEA Party, this has not happened yet and is by no means a done deal. In fact, the best way to prevent this movement from falling into their hands is for liberty advocates to show up en-mass as a counter balance.
In closing, the #OccupyWallStreet movement has the potential to be a space in which an alliance can come together that is powerful enough to challenge the clout of the corporatists in the banks and DC. In response to that possibility, the interests that would stand to lose from the movement’s success are engaged in a desperate divide-and-conquer attempt to squelch the effort and preserve their corrupt privilege. As such, it is essential that we resist those deceptive attacks and continue stand with the #OccupyWallStreet movement if there is to be any hope of restoring our liberties and our republic.


In my time engaged in politically decentralist activism in general, and my work on Vermont independence in particular, I’ve noticed that it is very difficult to escape the long historical shadow cast by the Civil War. When considering the idea of using state sovereignty as a legitimate tool for resisting Federal abuses, the claim is often made that the issue was settled by the Civil War. The North (and thus centralized sovereignty) prevailed over the South (and distributed sovereignty) in 1865, and the question is thus closed.
Liberty and Abortion
One of the things that I really appreciate about the liberty movement is that, despite the wide diversity of opinions and positions that its supporters take, it seems to have fostered a culture in which its advocates can usually address their differences rational, respectful, and civilized discussion. As so much of the American political conversation takes the form of people talking past each other and scoring cheap publicity points, this is often quite refreshing.
However, there is one issue that seems to be an exception to this rule: abortion. While some libertarians see it as a fundamental liberty issue that should not be regulated or prohibited at all, others see abortion as the extinguishing of a rights-bearing human life that is morally equivalent to murdering a child or adult. After having been witness to a number of these contentious, internecine arguments in which both parties fail to resolve anything and end up bearing grudges, I figured it might be useful to unpack what I perceive to be the source of the extreme tension that underlies the libertarian abortion debate.
People on both sides of the debate usually agree with the fundamental starting premise that human beings have inalienable natural rights, including the right to life. As such, the core of their disagreement stems from the fact that they view what it means to be human in a fundamentally different way.
Pro-lifers, I’ve noticed, generally subscribe to a position of mind-body dualism. They believe that human beings have a soul or essence of some kind that is fundamentally separate from the body, which is the source of one’s humanness, and thus one’s rights. This belief leads to a binary view of humanness – either a body has a discrete soul and is thus entitled to the full panoply of rights, or a body lacks a soul and has no rights. Thus, for the liberty movement’s pro-lifers, if the soul is present in the human being at the moment of conception, killing a fetus is the moral equivalent of murder, which violates the basic libertarian principle of non-aggression.
Pro-choice libertarians, on the other hand, tend to reject mind-body dualism in favor of a “spectrum of consciousness” model, in which levels of consciousness shade into one another, from the very low level embodied in a stalk of grass, to the very complex cognition of an adult human being (an interesting version of this viewpoint on consciousness and being can be found in Doug Hofstadter’s I am a Strange Loop). In this way of viewing the world, there is no sharp dividing line between the human who is entitled to full rights and the non-human that is entitled to no rights with in the “mind-body dualism” model. Instead, the amount of consideration a particular being should rightfully be given is dependent upon their level of consciousness. As such, as an early-stage fetus has the level of consciousness development of a plankton, it can be validly argued from this perspective that the rights of the fully developed mother includes the right to morally terminate a pregnancy up to a certain contestable point. This is not to say that people with this world-view can’t be against abortion as well; however, to be morally consistent, such people would have to be vegetarians as well, since killing a chicken is the moral equivalent to killing a fetus within this philosophical framework.
Given these fundamentally different perspectives on the nature of the universe, it is easy to see how libertarians often talk past each other on the abortion issue. To mind-body dualists, the pro-choice assertion of the mother’s rights seems ludicrous, since no-one has the right to end another human’s life. Conversely, the pro-life cries of “murderer” ring hollow to those of the “spectrum of consciousness” persuasion, since, to them, an early-stage abortion is the moral equivalent of eating a shrimp cocktail. As a result of this enormous philosophical chasm, it has been exceedingly difficult to have a meaningful discussion about the place of abortion within the liberty movement. Nonetheless, it is an important issue to wrangle with, and I hope that, by openly acknowledging the philosophical roots of our positions, we might begin to have the same sorts of productive discussions and disagreements that we are able to manage on so many other issues.
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